America’s greatest vulnerability is not a foreign missile or a cyber exploit. It is internal division. When citizens begin to see one another as enemies, the idea of America—liberty, equality, and human dignity—weakens from within. Adversaries have recognized this for decades. Today, they actively seek to amplify polarization, exploit identity politics, and spread conspiracy theories to erode trust in American institutions.
Division as Strategic Target
The Soviet Union pioneered “active measures” to destabilize Western democracies by amplifying social fractures. Thomas Rid has shown how these campaigns used forged documents, propaganda, and rumor to pit citizens against each other. Modern adversaries have updated those tactics with digital tools. Russia, China, and Iran use social media networks to spread divisive narratives, often with the intent of discrediting U.S. democracy abroad while weakening unity at home.1
Polarization offers adversaries a low-cost, high-return strategy. Every time Americans distrust election results, dismiss legitimate institutions, or attack one another in the digital space, the nation becomes more vulnerable.
Identity Politics as Leverage
Diversity can be a source of strength, but it also provides adversaries with opportunities to exploit existing tensions. Chinese information campaigns often target minority communities, using narratives that question whether the United States truly lives up to its ideals. Russia has spread disinformation designed to inflame racial and political grievances. Both seek to convince Americans that their system is hypocritical and broken.
Mary Dudziak’s research demonstrates that during the Cold War, U.S. policymakers recognized how racial inequality undermined American credibility abroad. The lesson remains: domestic divisions are not only a social problem but also a security risk.2
Conspiracy as Destabilization
Conspiracy theories are particularly effective because they exploit psychological vulnerabilities. Forensic psychology research shows that individuals who feel marginalized or powerless are more likely to adopt conspiratorial beliefs. Foreign actors manipulate this tendency, planting or amplifying theories that erode trust in elections, vaccines, or national leadership. Once embedded, these narratives are difficult to dislodge.3
The spread of conspiracy-driven movements also creates insider threat risks. Individuals who adopt extreme worldviews may rationalize acts of sabotage or violence, believing they serve a higher cause. This blurs the line between information warfare and physical security threats.
National Unity as Defense
The most effective counter to these operations is not censorship but resilience. National unity rooted in shared values serves as a form of counterintelligence defense. Citizens who trust one another and their institutions are harder to divide. A society committed to liberty, equality, and accountability is less likely to fall prey to manipulation.
The Founders anticipated this challenge. In Federalist No. 10, James Madison warned of factions and the dangers of division, but he also believed that a large republic could manage those tensions by binding citizens together under common principles. That wisdom remains relevant in the digital age.4
Bottom Line
America’s adversaries do not need to defeat it militarily if they can persuade its citizens to distrust one another. Division has become a weapon in modern strategic competition. Protecting the American idea requires not only defending borders and networks but also rebuilding civic trust. Unity is not a luxury. It is security.
Notes
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Thomas Rid, Active Measures: The Secret History of Disinformation and Political Warfare (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2020), 290–94.
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Mary L. Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 39–42.
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Karen M. Douglas et al., “The Psychology of Conspiracy Theories,” Current Directions in Psychological Science26, no. 6 (2017): 538–42.
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James Madison, Federalist No. 10, in The Federalist Papers, ed. Clinton Rossiter (New York: Signet Classics, 2003), 71–77.